Tyrone West Anniversary Protest

By Nadrat Siddique
Special to the New Trend

July 18, 2014

Baltimore, MD -- Tyrone West was a tall, dreadlock-sporting Baltimore native who grew up on the city's east side. He loved his family, sporty cars, and his artwork, and had a joie de vivre about him. On July 18, 2013, Tyrone's life was snuffed out, when he made one "wrong" maneuver in the vicinity of Kitmore and Kelway Road, not far from Morgan State University. Police noticed him driving under the speed limit as he went over a speed hump on a quiet side street (Kelway), and stopped him. They pulled him out of his vehicle, it is said, by the locks and started beating him. According to the States Attorney's report, they hit him with batons on the knees to get him down. However, eyewitnesses report far greater use of force, saying Tyrone was surrounded by a "sea of blue" and that police continued to punch and to kick him even after he was already down. When it was over, Tyrone lay dead. He had not been charged with a crime, arraigned, tried, or convicted. He was a victim of a police force of control and unaccountable to the People.

Ten to fifteen police officers, including a Morgan State University police officer, were identified as participating in the murder. None of them was suspended or fired. The States Attorney Gregg Bernstein, known for his racially predicated prosecutions--and withholding of prosecutions--did a perfunctory investigation and found the officers had acted according to police protocol. Despite a plethora of eyewitness testimony supporting the view that excess force had been used against Tyrone, not a single indictment of a police officer was handed down in the case, leading many to surmise that the police were above the law in Baltimore (as in many other major cities). When Bernstein was unseated in the subsequent election by a relatively underfunded and lesser known challeger, many said the West case had been a determining factor--one one-sided prosecution too many. In the meantime, Tyrone's murder still went unprosecuted and the medical examiner's office continued to withhold the complete autopsy report.

----

On the one-year anniversary of Tyrone's murder, activists and supporters of the West family rallied at the site of the murder. The event was called by the family and facilitated by a local grassroots collective called the Baltimore Bloc. The activists included young and old; Muslim, Christian, Jew, and atheist; Black American, Asian, African, Caucasian, and Native American; students, blue-collar workers, health care workers, attorneys, candidates for office, and even a delegate.

The candidates included David Anthony Wiggins (Baltimore City Sheriff candidate, running on a platform against police brutality and judicial corruption, and for the empowerment of the People); Russell Neverdon, Sr., (candidate for States Attorney); and Duane G. Davis (candidate for Lieutenant Governor). Wiggins, Neverdon, and Del. Jill P. Carter (Maryland House of Delegates) spoke, expressing solidarity with the family.

Wiggins promised that when elected Sheriff, he would prosecute police engaging in abuses such as that against Tyrone West, as this was a power endowed to the Sheriff (Editor's note: Sadly, the standing Sheriff, Anderson, in office for decades, has never employed it in defense of his constituents, who, like West, are brutalized by police or otherwise abused by corrupt government officials).

Several Christian preachers, including Baltimore's social conscience Rev. Heber Brown III (Pleasant Hope Baptist Church), Rev. Kinji Scott, and Rev. C.D. Witherspoon, were present. Masjid Jamaat al-Muslimeen, in Baltimore's Govens neighborhood, sent its imam, Dr. Kaukab Siddique, mosque administrator Ashira Na'im, and a contingent of half a dozen others to "stand with the family of Tyrone West and all victims of police brutality." Red Emmas', a well known Peoples' bookstore, was also well represented at the event.

Baltimore native Abdul Salaam, a Muslim, was beat by police in a manner very similar to Tyrone West just 17 days prior to the latter's murder. Salaam, a soft-spoken, slightly built man, addressed the crowd briefly. He described how he had passed police conducting a stop near his home. The cops followed him home, pulled him out of his car, and attacked and beat him in his own driveway, in front of his 3-year old child. They claimed he was not wearing a seat belt (he has steadfastly maintained that he was wearing one). Salaam was body slammed to the ground twice at the start of the attack, hogtied (with his hands and feet behind his back), and beat further. He was never charged with a crime.

He eventually ran across the West family at one of their weekly protests, dubbed “West Wednesday,” and was shocked to find the similarities between their story and his. Most alarming was the fact that the two police officers who beat him--Chapman and Ruiz--were among those who had participated in the murder of Tyrone West. Both families were befuddled as to why the officers had been allowed to continue on the police force after attacking Abdul Salaam. If normal judicial procedure had been followed, they would have been removed after the attack on Abdul Salaam, and hence been unable to participate in the attack on Tyrone West. Abdul Salaam and the West family have since joined forces and filed a civil suit against the police.

Initially torn by whether or not to hold the event at the very spot where the murder occurred, with all its horrific associations, the West family eventually decided to proceed with it. Despite the emotional toll involved, the family felt they owed it to Tyrone to come together at the very spot where a completely gratuitous act of savagery took his innocent life. They released black balloons, shared Tyrone's beautiful art, received messages of solidarity, said prayers, and marched. They left just before sunset with the awareness that their beloved Tyrone had not been forgotten.

© 2014 Nadrat Siddique

Welcome Home, Marshall "Eddie" Conway

Welcome back to Mob Town aka Baltimore, Br. Marshall "Eddie" Conway. You were locked up in 1971, the very year Nixon announced the start of the "Drug War." That year, fewer than 200,000 people were held in state and federal prisons. Today, there are more than 2.4 million, an increase of more than 700 percent.

 

Br. Eddie, by the mid-1990s, over half of the young Black men in Baltimore were under the "supervision" of the criminal-justice system--that is, in a jail or prison, on probation or parole, or under pretrial release (compared with one in three nationally). (Crime and Punishment in America, by Elliott Currie). Today the figures are even more disproportionately skewed against Black men.

 

In 1971, there were two prisons in Baltimore, the Baltimore City Jail (now known as the Baltimore City Detention Center) and the Maryland Penitentiary (now known as the Metropolitan Transition Center). Today there are nine. All of these, including the two extant when you were a Panther in Baltimore, were built under the watchful eye of the Black Democratic politicians (Uncle Toms) in power. The same politicians were pushing for a tenth and eleventh prison--specifically to warehouse Black youth and women respectively. The Youth Prison initiative was defeated in January 2013, at least for the time being, as a result hard organizing by the People.

 

My dear brother, today in your hometown, Black men are profiled, gunned down, or beaten to a pulp by a half a dozen/dozen cops. The situation reminds me of Gaza, a situation with which I am far more familiar. An environment of (police-inspired) terror and despondency exists for Baltimore’s Native Black population, while the Settlers (usually wealthy White transplants to Baltimore, the result of gentrification) live comfortably in million dollar homes in the “clean” parts of the city. Black youth are locked up for years on very minor, non-violent offenses (average sentences, based on mandatory sentencing laws, are seven years in such cases). All of this occurs with the tacit approval of the Democratic Governor (a Black democrat), the City Council (mostly Black Democrats), and the States Attorney (a White Jewish Democrat).

 

They call you the "Leader" of Baltimore. What do you propose to do now, and what advice/ admonitions do you have for the People?

The A F James MacArthur Case

AF James MacArthur is an independent journalist with "The Baltimore Spectator." He was reporting on police brutality in Baltimore when he was arrested on very tenuous charges. It is evident that police, like most perpetrators of violence, don't like the spotlight to be on them. Was MacArthur arrested because of his hard hitting exposes of police abuse in Baltimore? Is he perhaps Baltimore's Mumia Abu Jamal? (Recall that Mumia was arrested following his extensive reporting of police brutality by Philadelphia  cops.)

Why should indy journalists like MacArthur, who serve as a bulwark to abuse of power by all three branches of government, given the yellow journalism spouted by the major (corporate) media outlets, be targets for harassment, abuse, and detention--as if this were a Third World Country? These are some of the questions to be tackled at this event.

On Thursday, December 20, friends of MacArthur will vigil outside the detention center where he is being held during rush hour, to draw attention to his plight. A brief press conference will also be held.

Please bring candles and signs saying "Free MacArthur" (or other relevant signs of your choosing).

MacArthur's Baltimore Spectator may be viewed here:

 http://baltimorespectator.com/

 --------------------

Case details:

MacArthur was reporting from the scene of various police brutality incidents. He used very rudimentary equipment, including a laptop, a microphone, speakers, and maybe one or two other pieces of portable equipment. But his radio program, which can be accessed through his webpage (http://baltimorespectator.com/) had garnered a large audience, partially in response to concerns about and dearth of reporting on police brutality. (MacArthur's past programs are still archived there, and the most recent one, which he recorded just prior to his recent arrest, appears on the main page). In the process, he earned the wrath of the police. As he explains in his last broadcast, he experienced a break-in at his house (around 3:00 AM) one day. He called 9-11 (after getting the situation under control with a firearm he legally owned). The police arrived, did not pursue any suspect, but instead arrested him on gun charges. This occurred despite the fact that he was in his own house for the duration of that incident.

Resultant from this concocted incident, there was an outstanding warrant for MacArthur's arrest. He learned of the warrant as a result of an anonymous tip (he frequently received anonymous tips). As he said in his last broadcast, he had--upon receiving the tip--planned to surrender to the authorities, but given his role as muckraking journalist and the concomitant past gross violations of his rights by police, he wanted to make sure he informed the right people (and enough of them) to look out for him while he was gone--prior to making his surrender.

Before he could surrender, SWAT teams surrounded his house. In fact, they cordoned off the entire block where he lived, creating a situation so volatile that he feared for his life. Somehow, he remained calm, speaking via telephone to them from inside his house, all the while broadcasting the negotiation of his freedom over the Baltimore Spectator. He criticized police mis-use of resources, pointing out that while his house and block were cordoned off as if he were public enemy no. 1, drug running, rapes, robberies, and the like continued unabated in the area. He told them they were blackballing him to his neighbors, that his neighbors would never trust him again, and that they (the police) were ruining his life, as they have done to so many other innocent Baltimore natives.

They asked him why--if he were aware of the outstanding warrant--he didn't voluntarily surrender on his own terms to prevent the current situation. He reminded them it was a Saturday night, that it was next to impossible to reach counsel on the weekend, and that he would rather not spend the weekend locked up. After a few hours of this, he surrendered and was taken to Central Booking.

The police did not have a warrant to enter his house, and he made very clear that he did not want them there, out of fear that evidence would be planted to incriminate him. This may be exactly what happened, because they entered, searched the premises, and claimed to have found a sawed off shotgun there. MacArthur supporters say the weapon was planted there. Some go to the extent of saying it was the same gun which was confiscated from him in the earlier incident, but sawed off and then returned to his property to incriminate him (since a sawed off weapon carries a heavy penalty). He remains in custody at Baltimore's infamous Central Booking, and is being denied bail. Attempts are being made by local corporate media and others to paint this courageous, cutting edge journalist as mentally unstable--although his broadcasts clearly indicate otherwise--and it is likely he will be sent for psychiatric evaluation at Springfield or another detention facility for the mentally afflicted. He is scheduled for a hearing January 4.

Baltimore Shomrein Trial Verdict Sends a Clear Message: Black Children May be Treated with Impunity

No Protest from Black Bourgeoise Organizations

 

By Nadrat Siddique and David Wiggins

 

Baltimore, MD

May 3, 2012

 

New Trend readers might recall that in November 2010, a black boy, surnamed Ausby, was beaten in the Park Heights neighborhood of Baltimore by adult males from the Shomrein Jewish militia while walking between school and home. The Shomrein militia was established with the approval of local authorities. It runs a patrol in the upscale Jewish part of Park Heights, adjacent to the adjoining Black neighborhood of the same name. The Jewish part is said to house many current and former members of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), who are duel Israeli and U.S. nationals, and like the Werdesheims, travel back and forth to “Israel.”

 

Initial charges against the Werdesheims were: 1. First Degree Assault; 2. Second Degree Assault; 3. Reckless Endangerment of a Minor; 4. Possession of a Dangerous Weapon Intent to Injure; 5. False imprisonment. This was before Jewish attorney Gregg Bernstein entered the scene.

 

Then, Bernstein came into office as State’s Attorney. His first act was to drop all felony charges against the Werdesheim brothers. His second act was to prosecute two black men, Travers and Tremayne Johnson, for setting a pittbull on fire in Baltimore. That case ultimately resulted in acquittal. Not surprisingly, many of Baltimore’s black residents viewed both decisions as examples of the Zionist attorney’s racial bias.

 

The Werdesheim brothers were permitted six postponements. The elder Werdesheim was permitted to vacation in Israel with his fiancée pending trial—something few (perhaps no) defendants of color on trial are permitted to do—with the express approval of the victim's lawyer. That attorney, a blackman named J. Wyndal Gordon, also represented John Allen Muhammad. On his watch, Muhammad was put to death, an odd contrast from Mumia Abu Jamal and many others who remain on death row for decades.

Today, the remaining three (misdemeanor) charges were dropped against 22-year old Avi Werdesheim. The most serious of the three misdemenor charges against 24-year old former Israeli Defense Special forces member Eliyahu Werdesheim were dismissed by the judge. The decisions were handed down by presiding Judge Pamela J. White, since the Werdesheims had requested a trial by judge, and not by jury. Eliyahu was subsequently convicted only of the two most insignificant misdemeanor charges, reckless endangerment and false imprisonment.

 

All told, 8 out of ten charges were dropped or resulted in acquittal; only two charges resulted in conviction.

The two other alleged defendants--other than Avi and Eliyahu Werdesheim--were never brought to the fore or charged. And—although there was strong evidence that the attack was a hate crime, this fact was never hinted at for the duration of the trial.

 

Most oddly, the $6.5 million civil lawsuit about which the Ausby’s mother was initally adamant, was dropped. Given that Eliyahu Werdesheim has his own security company here in Baltimore, and his IDF Special Forces training, the possibility that the victim’s family were intimidated into dropping the suit cannot be discounted.

 

The case also exposes the collusion between the Black bourgeoisie and the ruling Zionist Jews in Baltimore. The Baltimore chapters of the National Action Network, the SCLC, and the NAACP, while vocifereously protesting the Trayvon Martin killing in Florida, repeatedly failed to make the connection between the two cases, and hence the opportunity to make both more relevant to Baltimore’s disenfranchised Black population.

 

J. Wyndal Gordon, the black attorney representing the Ausby family, said “I was quite pleased with the verdict. In fact, I predicted it,” he said. (Jewish Times, May 3, 2012) Discussing the family’s decision to drop the civil suit, he said, "No amount of money can give someone back their peace of mind. We’re happy about having closure. What’s best for [the victim] now is to put all of this behind him and move on with his life.”

 

And, as reparations activists, and others fighting for the rights of Black people in the U.S., well know, “Moving on with one’s life,” “Letting bygones be bygones,” or characterizing an unaddressed wrong as being“in the past,” is terminology used by the White Supremacist power structure and its representatives in ensuring its design is permitted to continue and for its victims to shut up and put up. Jewish victims of the Holocaust, for example, are never expected to “move on with their lives” or to put things behind them.

 

The verdict is a clear testament to the existence of a two-tiered justice system, and of the collusion between Baltimore Zionists and the Baltimore Black bourgeoisie which allow it to be perpetuated.  The verdict is a slap in the face to all people of color. We might as well go back to the slave docks.

Youth Justice Sunday

“Genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group: ....Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part...”

UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide
Paris, 9 December, 1948

October 31, 2010

Baltimore, MD–It was the perfect day to break some chains. Hundreds of people rallied outside Paul Lawrence Dunbar High School, in the heart of black community and just blocks away from Baltimore’s infamous Central Booking detention facility. They were protesting the building of a new youth prison. If construction goes on as planned, this would be the city’s ninth prison, built absent any mandate from the majority black population. But Baltimore’s prison building rampage would not end there. Plans are underway for the subsequent building of a tenth prison, this one for women.

Under a fluttering red, black, and green Afrocentric flag, religious, student and community leaders condemned the city’s plan to jail the youth instead of educating them. The event began with the singing of the Black Anthem “Lift Every Voice.” Then Deverick Murray, a Towson University student, popularly known as the Political Poet, took the stage. Stating the rally’s goals in verse, he said:

"I greet you today and bring you our purpose,
Assuring you that under this alliance not one thing can hurt us.
With steadfast hearts, and no distractions may divert us.
We are here today not only to stop this youth jail,
But to convince us, to construct plans
Knowing that if God, Allah, and the elders are here,
Then the world can be against us.
We are here to let the state know we have ran out of fear
And showing that we will stand together to protect what we hold dear.
We are here because they had enough money for jails,
But they had no interest in making sure that we don't fail....”

Youth energies fueled the protest. Leamon Harris, of Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle, which organized the protest along with the Kinetics Faith and Justice Network, the Baltimore Algebra Project, and other groups, said that even the best inner city schools were a continuum of institutionalized racism. Speaking of black student athletes, he said “They become slaves to the brands at a young age because they are mentally colonized, helping a government that doesn’t support them or their people unless they play the game. What if they stopped playing football or basketball until construction of the youth jail was stopped, or the police officers taken out of the schools, or classes that offered a real discussion of black history put in place?”

Deverick Murray wrote a powerful rap in support of the event, entitled “ I’ll be Damned” (referring to the resolve of the protest organizers against the locking up of the youth). It circulated broadly on Facebook and elsewhere leading up to the event. Murray, Harris, and Towson University student leader Adam Jackson successfully mobilized large numbers of high school and college students for the protest.

The event was emce'ed by its chief organizer, Afrocentric pastor and community leader Heber Brown. Brown is known for his courageous and outspoken stance on many issues, and has spoken at rallies against Israeli attacks on Gaza.

A few days prior to Youth Justice Sunday, Pastor Brown and two companions stood with megaphones outside an endorsement party hosted by a local chapter of AFSME [a major U.S. labor union —editor] for Mayor O'Malley. As O'Malley passed, they called out: "Gov. O'Malley, what about the $104 million dollar youth jail? Can you speak to that sir? Yeah back to slavery for black children?" An AFSME representative approached the pastor, and wagging his finger at him, told Brown he was being “tacky” by challenging the governor. Since the pastor and his companions had officially been invited to the endorsement party, they went inside. Once inside, they were cornered by the AFSME director and his assistants, and threateningly ordered to leave the building.

At the rally, it was clear that the Pastor was not fazed by such gestapo tactics. Youth Justice Sunday, he proclaimed, was about self-determination for black people.

Delegate Jill Carter, the rare local politician who’d accepted Pastor Brown’s invitation to speak, took her turn at the mic. Jared Ball, of Voxunion—a D.C.-based independent media collective—spoke. In the audience were Maria Allwine, Green Party candidate for Maryland governor; Jack Young, City Council president; and Dr. Ray Winbush of Morgan State University, internationally acclaimed reparations activist and author.

Then Min. Carlos Muhammad came to the stage.

He is Louis Farrakhan’s Baltimore representative, based out of Muhammad Mosque No. 1. The mosque is located on the 3200 block of Garrison Boulevard. Much of the boulevard is impoverished, a showcase of slums (Indians and Pakistanis are amongst the biggest slum lords), liquor stores (frequently Arab owned), and cheesy corner markets (Korean owners, with their exorbitantly priced goods, hidden behind protective bars). The mosque has worked to uplift area youth for years, ridding the neighborhood of much of its vice. But a mile or so down the road from the mosque, drugs, alcohol, and prostitution are rampant.

The minister accompanied on stage by his wife and two FOI (Fruit of Islam), greeted the people with “As-salaam alaikom.” He asked for a show of hands by those who had a family member, close friend, or loved one in prison. Easily two-thirds of the crowd raised their hands. With the air of a battle-hardened warrior, he offered words of encouragement to the crowd before leaving the stage.

Six Baltimore Algebra Project youth took the stage.

The Algebra Project is a youth advocacy group which provides highly effective peer-to-peer tutoring for inner city youth. But BAP doesn’t only tutor. When I moved back to Baltimore around 2002, I was astonished to find very young students from the organization blocking the streets to call attention to the glaring disparities within the education system and racism in the schools. They are articulate, organized, disciplined, and unrelenting in their demands.

The youth began with solemn speeches, holding the complete attention of the crowd. Then, three of them broke into melodic chants: "Don't build it, don't build it, O’ Malley check the rally." Red “X”s, plastered on the jackets of Algebra Project members and supporters, swayed gently to the rthymn. One of BAP’s talented young hiphop artists performed. It was dusk, and the crowd seemed energized.

Adam Jackson, Towson University student and Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle activist, spoke briefly. Then Rev. Kinji Scott told the crowd, "We tired of being shoved around! Are you ready? You ain't ready! If you're ready, follow me!"

Scott, Jackson, Murray, and others led the march to the site of the proposed youth prison, chanting “Educate, don’t incarcerate!” The procession stretched for several blocks, finally arriving at a vacant lot, encircled by a fence—the site of the proposed youth prison. A sign read “State Property.”

In a dramatic action, reminiscent of the Storming of the Bastille, student activists pushed with their bodies against the entry gate. To the crowd chants of, “Break that lock,” they used the wire cutters to weaken and finally break the padlock holding the gate shut.

A small number of protesters flooded through the gate. March organizers blared a warning over the megaphone: no one was to enter the fenced area without having completed civil disobedience training. The activists inside the fence joined hands in a solemn prayer. They intended to be arrested to call attention to the city’s funding of prison building over education. It was Sunday, and the civil disobedience action was taking place directly across from an existing prison facility. The protestors committed to engage in civil disobedience waited. And waited. And waited. For once, the police were nowhere in sight.

Realizing the civil disobedience was not to materialize, the organizers gathered up the signs carried by the procession. Determined their message be heard, they symbolically scattered books across the property, and with some effort, hammered placards bearing the words “Educate, don’t incarcerate!” into the rocky ground. Then, against the backdrop of Central Booking’s fading red brick and barbwire, they held a brief press conference before departing.

On the empty lot slated to cage the children of the poor, the pages of books fluttered in the wind.

Epilogue

Islam says, “Free the slave.” References to “freeing captives” abound in the Qur’an. To me, Islam is synonymous with justice, and it is not justice to jail a man because he is hungry and stole a loaf of bread. Or lock up a youth who delivers a few ounces of marijuana across town to pay his mother’s rent. I know of grocery stores located near the projects where armed security officers guard the exits. This country hates poor people, and is willing to kill or at least jail them for stealing food. Islam, known for its stringent justice, exempts exactly one category of person from sharia penalties for theft: the person who is hungry or starving. Prisons were unknown during the time of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). Ditto during the reign of the four rightly guided caliphs—Abu Bakr (RA), Umar (RA), Uthman (RA), and Ali (RA)—which followed immediately after. A person who violated social norms was banished from society, ostracized for a limited time, or in the case of a very serious crime, subjected to a one-time harsh punishment. He was not indefinitely placed in a tiny, insect-infested, filthy, overcrowded, freezing cell, to be sodomized, treated like an animal, or forced to urinate and defecate in front of others. Nor was his labor used to profit big business. Of the vast number of hadith (narrations of Prophetic tradition) in circulation, virtually none talk about locking up or harshly punishing children.

The U.S. boasts 7.3 million people in jail, on probation, or on parole at year end—one in every 31 adults. 2.3 million people are held in adult prison or jail (including some children). In addition, 92,800 children are held in juvenile detention centers. The rate of Black incarceration is 2,468 per 100,000 persons. For Whites, that rate is 409 per 100,000. So, Black youth are far more likely to be locked up than Whites. And unless one subscribes to some incredibly antiquated, racist, and scientifically invalid theory, it can’t be because one group is inherently more criminal than the other.

Imperial AmeriKKKa, which sends its armadas throughout the world teaching others how to live, needs desperately to rethink a system which is clearly unjust, for injustice cannot be indefinitely sustained. Just as Gaza is one vast prison camp for Palestinians, Baltimore [substitute virtually any major U.S. city here] through its School-to-Prison pipeline, is the slave labor pool for the Prison-Industrial complex. But not, inshallah, if Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle, Kinetics Faith and Justice Network, and the Baltimore Algebra Project have their way.

Daily Racism on Baltimore's MTA

Ask virtually any Black person in the U.S., and he or she will tell you the police abuse Black people with impunity. Acts of police brutality are largely unreported for a variety of reasons, ranging from fear of reprisal and lack of faith in the System, to illiteracy and lack of awareness of legal options. Except within the Black community, the issue is rarely acknowledged or discussed. The notion that 9/11 was the first act of terrorism on U.S. soil is indicative of such tunnel vision. Centuries of lynchings, executions, rapes, and pseudo-scientific experimentation on Black people are somehow excluded from the rubric of terrorist acts on American soil.

I've discussed the issue of police brutality with a broad spectrum of Blacks and Whites. The difference in reaction is stark, and strictly divided along racial lines.

The reaction of Whites generally falls in one of four categories:

1. Don't you realize the predicament the poor cop is in? He doesn't know which suspect has a gun, and which one doesn't. If you were in that situation, you'd probably shoot first and ask questions later, too.
2. You deride them now, but I'll bet you'd call them in an instant if someone breaks into your house.
3. Oh, they pulled him over, searched his car, and held him for three hours? It happened to me, too.
4. He's in jail/dead/etc.? He must have done it.

Unfortunately, these reactions do not reflect the reality on the ground. The reaction of Black people is formulated through first hand experience. Nothing brings home reality quicker than being at the end of a police baton or stun gun. And judging from the number of Black men spreadeagled outside Jaguars and Lexuses in police stops, class offers little protection.

I'm not evidently Black, and am generally exempt from police harassment. As a Muslim, however, I feel strongly that I must speak out on this issue for three reasons:

1. Everyone living in the U.S. has profited from forced Black labor. We owe a debt to Black people. At the very least, we must oppose police brutality against the very people without whom this country's very infrastructure would not exist.

2. To remain silent against the racist power structure is to acquiesce--indeed profit from--that power structure.

3. The Qur'an commands opposition to injustice. And racism (with all its economic implications) is the leading form of injustice in the U.S.

Only the most blatant acts of police terror--such as those involving Amadou Diallo, Abner Louima, or Sean Bell--garner corporate media attention, and that too, usually after massive public outcry. But terrorism of the U.S. Black population occurs daily, and at many levels. Some are immediately life-threatening, such as the dragging of James Byrd, Jr., behind a pickup truck in Jasper, Texas, or the deliberate ramming of Black suspects with police cruisers in South Carolina. Others are not immediately life-threatening, but rather confer long-range mental and physical health problems on the victims.

Take for example, the case of a close friend, who is Black. He was accosted by MTA police on the Baltimore light rail enroute to work. The events as he related them:

Between commuting by public transportation and time spent at work, he is away from home at least 14 hours a day. Since he is very strapped for time, he occasionally pays bills via cell phone during his long commute. Recently, he boarded the train, sat down, and was paying a utility bill, when three hulking MTA cops approached him. My friend is 5'4," slender and slight, with a very quiet manner. He does not engage in illegal or threatening behaviors in public. The approach by three cops seemed grossly misplaced.

They demanded to see my friend's boarding pass (checking of boarding passes is standard procedure on light rail, but generally conducted by a regular MTA employee). He took a few seconds too long to hang up the cell and produce it, so they verbally assaulted him.

He challenged their rudeness. They removed him from the train without warning. Then, they wrote him a citation for "disorderly conduct". Since he was forced to miss his train and had to wait for a later one, he was late for work--a very serious matter, since he is the only breadwinner for his family, and could be suspended or fired for tardiness. And he was saddled with the added burden of going to court to contest the bogus citation.

My friend said what he'd experienced was not at all unusual. Poor and working class Black people riding Baltimore's light rail are routinely accosted by cops. He'd witnessed an incident involving an elderly Black woman with dreadlocks. Probably hungry after a hard day's work and facing a long commute on the slow moving train, she committed the mortal sin of eating a piece of bread on the light rail (eating on the train is technically prohibited by MTA rules). "MTA police jacked her up," said my friend. "They put her in a choke hold, and took her off the train."

He relayed another such incident involving a young Black woman with her child. She was quietly sitting on the train, talking to her mate on her cell, when she was accosted by two MTA cops. It was not clear what "crime" she'd committed. MTA police demanded her ID, frisked and verbally assaulted her--all in front of her child. Then, the cops forcefully removed her and the child from the train. When her mate arrived at the scene, the cops threatened to arrest him, too.

By contrast, the Whites who board the same light rail in Hunt Valley, Falls Road, or other affluent Baltimore suburbs enroute to their plush offices in downtown Baltimore, or to BWI Airport encounter no such police harassment. White and Asian tourists traveling by light rail for an afternoon of frolicking around Baltimore's sordidly gentrified Inner Harbor are untouched by racist cops. The rich, white drunks overflowing light rail trains leaving Camden Yards (stadium site) following a baseball game (whose tickets are so expensive as to be unaffordable to most of Baltimore's Black majority) are not harassed. Frequently, their fares are not even checked, nor is their public drunkenness.

Indeed police harassment appears reserved for Baltimore's poor Blacks, who often spend hours trying to get to work on the city's highly inefficient mass transit, to earn slave wages which they dutifully turn over to bloodsucking slumlords. All of this occurs in a majority Black city. I watch both sides of it from where I sit at work, and it makes me sick to the stomach. A People's Tribunal--to record and eventually try everyday acts of police terror against the U.S. Black population--is needed.